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!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 17
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 33
page 34. eloped just before 1937 with "a Red Lake visitor."
p. 80. In 1926 Bella Horton at thirteen was married to her eighteen year old
husband. She had a son at
fourteen.
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 108
Similarly regarding Jack Horton, the "brother" of old Mrs. Blackbird (their
fathers were brothers): "He is scolding because Gilbert Blackbrid wants to buy
a car. He is so jealous. He can't stand the idea that Gilbert has enough money
from his grain harvest to buy a car."
p. 123. Pask'kwe'.ige. This means "one who lets blood by piercing a blood
vessel." Chief Namepok, Jim Horton and his brother Sandy Horton all practice
this skill, which is learned in dreams like other techniques of
doctoring.
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 65, Jim married
John [Bunyan]'s distant brother's daughter. This meant that Jim had married
his "brother's daughter." John "laughed at this," i.e. ridiculed
it.
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 17. Sandy Horton
prefers not to know that his "wife is carrying Gilbert Blackbird's baby in her
belly.... She is much younger than Sandy and he likes her."
p. 138. Sandy Horton is the only man practicing [tatooing, ajassowe] now at
Manitou.
p. 138. [practicioner of] second minor doctoring specialty... ciga.gowe'iwe,
causing gagging and vomiting. Treatment is realistic. The medicine is given
for any stomach ailment, or bad cough. [listed as "father's brother" of John
Wilson]
p. 139. [practioner of] third specialty ... macKiKiwabo.ke, herb-brewing.
This covers all the Ojibwa drug realm not covered by the [other] two
specialities... [including among the] most prominent herbalists at
Manitou.
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 59, he had two
wives.
p. 70, [Sam Bombay's] father's father was a great hunter and kept a Hudson's
Bay post.
p.
92
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 71
About thirty years ago at Hungry Hall, old Hunter had two wives. One was
Sturgeon, and one Bullhead. They were not related. They lived in one huse and
got along well. If the husband quarreled with one wife, the other would come
to her associate's support and both together "would lick their
husband."
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 135; funeral
conducted by Nauka'mik.
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 65
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 61
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 77
George Ka'migen (Duck dodem) came to Manitou from Lake of the Woods. He
boarded with the Wilsons. He married John Wilson's siter Katie (Caribou totem)
bringing her to his bed at the Wilson's. Was this matrilocal or patrilocal?
When George brought Katie to his bed, his bed was in the house of Katie's
brother. After a time he left Katie for his first wife. She was living at
Mink Portage, Lake of the Woods. Before he married her George lived at Hungry
Hall; but after his marriage he moved to her home. Mrs. Wilson said "this
woman doesn't go to her husband's place. She's the boss." But George's mother,
who came from Red Lake, Minnesota, always moved patrilocally with her husband.
First she lived at his Hungry Hall home, and then at Lake of the Woods.
Apparently there was no hard and fast rule of residence in the Kamigen family.
They lived where the moment's urgencies
dictated.
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 33 Name'
Manitou Band #1 includes two women, three men of the Sturgeon Dodem
p. 35: have remained because of relatively ample provision of agricultural
clearings
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 35, ... have
remained because of relatively ample provision of agricultural
clearings
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 33 Name'
Manitou Band #1 includes two women, three men of the Sturgeon Dodem
p. 35: have remained because of relatively ample provision of agricultural
clearings
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 17, p. 66
[Jim Kavanaugh's] (social) father, a white man, was married first to a woman
who was the daughter of Jim Kavanaugh's mother's father's father's "brother",
i.e. the sister of Jim Kavanaugh's grandfather. After three or four years of
marriage, the woman died. Eight years later the man married Jim Kavanaugh's
future mother. She was the own brother's daughter of the dead woman. The
Indians naturally objected to this uncle-niece marraige. The woman's relatives
talked it over, and finally consented to the marriage "because the man had no
dodem", i.e. was a white man. Kim Kavanaugh added that "they wanted to have
him" because he was a good man and husband. Before the marriage, Jim
Kavanaugh's mother had called the man who later became her husband by the term
"mother's brother"; and she had called the man's deceased wife, who now became
her terminological co-wife, by the term "father's sister". Now Jim Kavanaugh's
mother and her husband exchange the terms "old man" and "old woman". (spouse
terms reflect to kin
ties.)
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 16. When the wife
of Jim Kavanaugh's mother's mother's brother died at Net Lake, the wife's
sister came to the widower and begged for the child "so she could remember his
sister."
p. 17. Jim Kavanaugh was an illegitimate child born of an Indian who
fathered him after his mother had been married to a white man. Jim and his
begetter and the latter's relatives acknowledge the mutual relationship; but
Jim lived with his mother and her husband and kept the latter's English name.
p. 26. Kavanaugh calls both unles indikwa, and he calls both cousins
kije.'nab.'
page 38. Jim was conceived by an Indian father long after his mother's
marriage to a white man, so in Indian life he insists upon claiming the
Sturgeon dodem of his biological father. Thus the latter has become his social
father in the Indian world; while outside he is recognized as the son of
Kavanaugh, his mother's husband.
p. 79. Jim Kavanugh came on a visit from Hungry Hall to Manitou, remained
there and married Chief George's daughter. His present wife is at Lake of the
Woods and he goes there to visit her. He stays at Manitou much of the "time
because he has a house on the Reserve", and his children attend a nearby schol.
He regards this matrilocality as traditional and says: The boy stays at the
house of the girl's parents because he is supposed to take care of these old
people. When the young couple build their own wigwam or house, the son-in-law
is supposed to return regularly to the parents of his wife to see that
everything is all right. He does not need to do this as much with is own
parents for the husbands of his sisters should do this. Presumably this is
because the son-in-law is located nearer the former and so is in a better
position to be invited by him than by his own father whom he apprently see
rarely. The grandson hunts on the grounds of his mother's father for the same
reason. Actually Jim did live very intimately with the parents of his wife,
and his father-in-law hunted as often with him on his territory as he did on
that of his father-in-law.
p. 80. Kavanaugh was married at twenty nine to a woman of thirty-six.
p. 83. Jim Kananaugh and his first wife lived at Hungry Hall. He went for a
visit to Manitou, with a group of others. There he remained without notice to
his Hungry Hall wife, staying with a daughter of Chief George. After a while,
his first wife was informed by Manitou visitors to Hungry Hall.
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 33 Name'
Manitou Band #1 includes two women, three men of the Sturgeon Dodem
p. 90. Trespass [on trapping and hunting lands] was formerly punished at teh
owner's discretion, usually by death. The Goverment now forbids death. So
instead, Kavanaugh removes the strangers traps, and makes the territory
worthless by killing off all the game. Bad mendine is still used by some to
cripple the legs of the interlopers.
p. 91. J.K. [Jim Kavanaugh, now of Manitou Reserve, Emo. Formerly of
Pinewwod, Warroad, and Hungry Hall.] said that his (social) father did not
trap. J.K. trapped on the grounds of his mother's father at Pinewood, on both
sides of the Rainy River. Then he trapped on his own personally acquired land
north of Clearwater Lake at Height of Land; and also on on his lands four miles
north at Lake Ka.timiagamag. He had left the lands of his mother's father
because he had married and left the neighborhood to stay with his wife's
people. It was in 1919 that he went to Lake Ka.timiagamig, fallowing the death
of his wife in December 1918. After his wife's death he spent seven years in
steady trapping, and acquired different pieces of land. He used them
successively, not all at one period. Sometimes J.K. trapped with his
father-in-law, Chief George at Little Fork. IN 1921 J.K. invited his
father-in-law to his personal grounds at Flanders. J.K. used Flanders for
three years. Then he deserted thee, going to richer lands at Sanford Lake,
forty-five miles northeast of Flancers. There he stayed for four years. He
left "because they used to be an Indian sneaking around int he Spring." So
J.K. resentfully killed off all the game. After that, he went "trapping
around", i.e. he lit on no favored spot. Then he married again and went
trapping at La Seine station, eighty miles east of Ft. Francis; he trapped
three miles north in the bush. "Gee, we used to live good, and we had lots of
mosse and deer then, too." Then, his wife became ill, and he has not been able
to do much trapping and hunting.
He described how he conserved beaver on his grounds. "when you trap, leave
one old she-beaver and one young one. If you leave she-beavers in the spring,
then you will have young ones the following spring. At sanford Lake, I had 38
beaver houses, with 7 beaver to each house. I saved 18 houses all the time. A
beaver the first year has two young; the next year three; then four; then five;
then four; then four; then five; then six; then seven; then six; then five."
The mother of a litter of seven is often a prize for herself alone. One such
was fifty-two inches long from tail tip to head, and she was forty-eight inches
wide.
"My uncles--parallel and cross-cousins of his mother--told me when I was
young that I had no right to trap on their grounds" [p. 92] unless permission
was granted. "They told me that when a man does htat, they pick up his traps
and get him to go." The rule dates from the most ancient forbears, he said.
"But the Indians usually don't bother you--they stay away." J.K. explained the
rule on the basis of the hunting charms that the owner employs. "Suppose I use
medicine... th game all comes to me anyway, so that I would have to fix you up
(with medicine, so that you will get some of the game)." This explanation is
the more curious in that J.K. always expreses his resentment of actually cases
of trespass in economic terms. Thus, when he spoke of the Sanford Lake
trespess, his objection was that the stranger was coming without license onto
"my" grounds. Indians put mad medicine on their trapping trails to "hurt the
legs" of trespassers. "An Indian up north did this once to Billy M'Ginnis when
he thought Billy was sneaking on his trails." But it was Billy's wife whose
legs were affected. "You've got to ask permission, whether it is your father,
grandfather, father-in-law, brother-in-law... etc. People don't often refuse,
because they know that when you ask you must be hard up."
The grounds are demarcated thus: "You just blaze whereveryou put a trap, just
make cut in the tree. Then people keep away, especially when they see your
traps and tracks. At Sanford Lake he had 38 houses, but he only blazed the
limiting trees. Sometimes K.K. writes his name on the portion laid bare by
blazing.
A large extent of ground can be used at one time by travelling back and forth
in the various directions every several days or every week. One can have a
center camp, and also outposts in the different directions in case the trails
here are very distant from the headquarters. At Sanford Lake J.K. covered 7
miles southwest, 8 miles north, 4 miles east, and 4 miles
west.
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 79
Dan Kebega.bow (Caribou) married Sweatnose (Sturgeon), a woman from
Kapeto:gema.k, Minnesota. He met her while he was working in the States. She
had no parents, and her aunt -- "a drunken old thing"--was living with a white
man. So Dan brought her to his home in Manitou. This was the clearest example
of patrilocal
marriage.
!Oral History, Violet Kingbird Cloud
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 59. On her dying
bed the father's sister asked her half-brother to give his daughter in marriage
to her son. The couple married at Bakade Island, Nor'west
Angle.
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 38, p. 83
James Leonard is always very sulky towards his young wife, and sometimes he
stays away for days gambling. At such times his wife, Janet, goes to her
mother's home and cries herself to sleep. Janet used to protest to
her husband, and "they would throw lip at one another and take to fighting."
Several times Janet's mother,Mrs. Wilson, found her in bed helpless from her
husband's kicks. Whenever James suffers a disappointment in his farming, or
when he is tired from a long grind of work, he becomes sulky and takes it out
on Janet in this way. "That's why she's so thin and unhappy. But the Agent
said they had to live together, otherwise he wouldn't help James with his
wheat. I tried to tell the Agent that they should separate, but he said no."
p. 118. James Leonard's name is "Footprints of a
Bear."