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!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 132
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 132
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 134
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 135.
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 138
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 113
The Give-Away Dance was brought to Little Fork about forty years ago by twoo
Cass Lake or Leech Lake Chippewa, Pe.nigwane and Aja'uw. "We heard they were
dancing it a few nights in Minnesota. Then it spread all over. These old men
got plenty of goods for
it."
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 67, p. 80
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 48, he did not
giwenige for his dead wife, and straightway married again. Shortly after, he
became mortally ill, and called in an Indian doctor, tci'saki, named Bob Mo:je
to divine the cause of the illness. Bob divined that it was caused by the
jealousy of his unappeased wife. Bob was own son to the deceased. Baptiste
shortly
died.
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 82-3
Bat'i'.s had left his first wife after a winter and a spring of marriage
because she would not return with him to his mother's home at Long Sioux
Reserve. She later became John Bunyan's first wife. Shebecame blind, and so
he put her through the Midewiwin which her brother conducted. He had to put
her through so many times that he finally became angry, gave his brother-in-law
a piece of his mind, quit his wife, and became a Christian. Then he married
themother of Mrs. Wilson, about ten years his senior. He would leave her off
and on for Daylight Feather. "My mother used to tell him to marry Daylight
Feather, she didn't care." This was all on the one
reserve.
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 132. At Little Fork
ca':ndiu' and his wife, White Goose, are each headmen; their son and daugher
were each ni:ga:ni; and the children fo the latter held lesser
posts....
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 59, named
W:ckwe:ga:bawi:k, Last one Standing in a
Row.
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 6
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 47
p. 83. [one of the seven monogamous men of the past generation]. Closely
related "brothers and cousins" with Kekekobine.s (Caribou), Pepamanakwa't
(Caribou), Chief Namepok (Caribou), RedHawk and Charlie Hawk (Caribous),
Nauuka'mik (Eagle), and Chief George (Bear).
p. 108. ... all medicine men are considred to be animated by a lust for
material wealth. And the greater the medicine man, like Chief George, the
greater his greed was considered to be, and was.
p. 130. [cross-cousin to Charlie Hawk]
p. 131. Chief George's father, and the two brothers of his father, were all
headmen of the Midewiwin. His mother was a ni:ga:ni (office next to that of
headmen). George himself was a headman so great that he was solicited by
outside localities. His father-in-law was a headman. His ister, his wife and
a daugher were ni:ga:ni. HIs other daughters held lesser posts. The wife adn
two sons of his father's brother, Jacob M'Ginnis, were each ni:ga:ni. Chief
Namepok's father, Great Hawk, giTchi ge.ke'.k was classificatory brother to
Chief George's mother, and a noted headman.
p. 135
p. 143. There are no limits to the number of abilities or kinds of property
and privilege that a man can strive for. Thus, eight or nine were in the hands
of Chief George... Using George's possessions to illustrate the extent to which
one man could own property: He owned the usual kinds of land; he was a great
hunter, gambler, namer, weather-influencer and forecaster, a great mide doctor,
bad-medicine man, diviner, nanadawi iwe winani, herabalist,a nd owned all the
minor doctoring abilities. The culture offered him
nomore.
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 65, "long, long
ago, Gitagima:n, Spotted Breasted Loon, married his step-daughter and the people
were so ashamed." Nowadays when a man does this, people deride him with
the nick-name of Gitagiman:n; "It doesn't look good to take your mother's
husband, does
it?"
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 83. Gittci gekek
left his first wife because she bore no children.
p. 113. Then the Chippewa came to Manitou and gave the drum to Chief Namepok's
father, Kitci ge.'ke.k. The recieved another pile of goods...
p. 130. Close relatives of equal station in the Midewiwin do not necessarily
work together. Thus, Namepok and Kebega.bau are blood brothers, equally
qualified to be headmen, but they never act together. Kebega.bau usually
worked with his cross-cousin Chief George, reciprocally; and Namepok had the
same working arrangement with Naukamik, unrelated to him.
p. 131. Chief Namepok's father, Great Hawk, gi'Tchi ge.ke'.k, was
classificatory brother to Chief George's mother, and a noted headman. Great
Hawk's wife was a ni:ga:ni, and his four sons (Namepok, Kekekobine.s,
Kebega.bau and Mi'sgosge.ke.k) were all
headmen.
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 134, Daugher openly
accuses father [of doing bad medicine], as did the daughter of Ke.ke.kobine.s
when her son Harold died from the recoil of his grandfather's sorcery. She
swore to get her revenge, so she had the Indian agent jail her father for a day
on the charge of
drunkeness.
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 94
p. 139. [practioner of] third specialty ... macKiKiwabo.ke, herb-brewing.
This covers all the Ojibwa drug realm not covered by the [other] two
specialities... [including among the] most prominent herbalists at
Manitou.
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 67 Jece deceived
his daughter-in-law so that she mated with him over a long period, thinking he
was her deceased husband. This happened at Kapeto'gemak (a Minnesota Reserve)
nearly seventy years ago. Jece shortly after his son's death began to ma'nido
Ka':zo (a sacred address to or of spirits) saying his dead son would come at
night to kiss his little boy (i.e. the prayer took the form of a dialogue,
in which the old man pretended that the words of his dead son were issuing
through is mouth. The import was that, as the young woman was not yet pregant,
the deceased would cause her to conceive.). He would ma'nido ka:zo (in his
daughter-in-law's hearing) until 10 or 11 at night, and then he would go out.
He had his daughter-in-law sleep in a separate, clean wigwam, saying he did not
want to see any other woman than his wife. Later he would sneak into his
daughter-in-law's wigwam, dressed up in beads like those his son was buried in,
and he would have intercouse with her. "But wouldn't you think she would
notice something queer? I guess she must have had her reasons." Her
father-in-law always told her not to make any lights after he had finished his
converse witht he spirits. The daughter-in-law later claimed that this
admonition, copuled with the nocturnal visits had roused her suspicions, but
that the bead collar had allayed them. After a while, when the old man was
impersonating his son in his manido talk, "he would say he was not really dead
but just in another place, and hownice it would be to have a child in this
world after he was dead." This awoke the girl's suspicions again. "once the
old man had a scab on his mouth ... the girl never really believed is was her
dead husband, especially after she became pregnant... and so this time she felt
the old man... she felt his scab... and when she realized it was her
father-in-law, she threw him off and called her mother-in-law..... Then the two
women nearly killed him and they moved
away."
!SOUR: Ruth Landes. Ojibwa Sociology. Columbia, 1937. p. 65, married his own
step-daughter.